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On the exact date Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an equally flamboyant security policy document. This fairly short paper drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically humble assertion that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."

Even though the strategy mostly formalizes the current actions and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be taken as a serious caution for the world, and for Europe in particular.

A Blueprint of Interference and Civilizational Anxiety

The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European strength." Its rhetoric seems taken straight from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its cultural self-assurance." Even more ominously, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the real and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."

The entire section on Europe is imbued with generations of European right-wing dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and causing strife, suppression of free expression and suppression of dissent, plummeting birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to be reliable allies." In fact, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to champion authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and proud celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."

Core Ideas of the Far Right

These arguments carry strong overtones of two concepts regarded as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiratorial narrative, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace restive "native" populations and import a more docile and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "America urges its political allies in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the increasing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."

The Goal: "Make Europe Great Again"

Put simply, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the only political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" prioritises "fostering opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to reclaim their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays vague on methods, it is apparent that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.

An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "implement a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.

None of this is entirely new – recall JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is grave. And if the document is too long or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. Now is time to respond appropriately.